Playing the Fool

Adam Johnson, the Smiley Guy Who Grabbed Nancy Pelosi’s Lectern on Jan. 6, 2021, Is Running for Manatee County Commission

Should voters take him seriously?

By Isaac Eger July 1, 2026 Published in the July-August 2026 issue of Sarasota Magazine

Adam Christian Johnson is is many things: a husband, a stay-at-home dad to five boys, a former youth pastor, a dabbling carpenter, a hobbyist Brazilian jiu jitsu mixed martial artist, a University of South Florida graduate who majored in psychology and graduated with a 3.9 GPA (he told me this three times unprompted), an online influencer with more than 125,000 followers, a pardoned felon and, now, a Republican candidate for District 1 in the upcoming Manatee County Commission primary on Aug. 18.

But mostly, Johnson is known around the world as the man with a rascally smile and long red hair who carried former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s lectern under his arm like a surfboard through the Capitol Rotunda on Jan. 6, 2021. I’m sure you’ve seen the photo. If you haven’t, you can find it throughout Johnson’s campaign materials. His campaign logo is a silhouette of himself carrying the lectern. After pleading guilty to “entering and remaining in a restricted building or grounds,” serving 75 days in jail and paying a $5,000 fine, Johnson, 41, now wants his legacy to be more than just a photo. He wants the people of Manatee to take him seriously and put him in a position of power where he says he can do good for the common man.

Adam Johnson mugs for the camera while carrying Nancy Pelosi's lectern through the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021.

While Johnson’s bid for public office has garnered national media attention (like a Washington Post story this spring), it shouldn’t come as much of a surprise. Nearly 1,600 people were sentenced for offenses ranging from trespassing to sedition during the Jan. 6 insurrection, and 700 of them served time in either jail or prison. Some 153 Floridians were among those charged, more people than in any other state. Many “J6ers,” as the people who stormed the Capitol grounds on Jan. 6 are called, have become celebrities, parlaying their renown into political and media careers—like Elias Irizarry, who pleaded guilty to climbing through a window at the Capitol that day and recently got a job at the Pentagon. In Florida, Miami native and Proud Boys leader Enrique Tarrio says he’s toying with the idea of running for Congress; and famous J6er Jake Lang, who frequently makes the news for hateful stunts like burning the Quran in public, ran for U.S. Senate to fill Marco Rubio’s seat. American politics these days is like open mic night at a comedy club. Anybody can get up on stage. Most are terrible at it.

So how serious is Johnson, really? And can he transition from his mischievous trolling on X (formerly known as Twitter) for the unsexy slog of zoning ordinances? Since July 2022, Johnson has posted 55,000 times on X. That is nearly 38 posts per day. The average X user posts two to three times per week.

Johnson is running in District 1, located in the eastern and northeastern parts of Manatee County, one of the county’s largest geographical districts that includes Myakka City, Parrish, part of Lakewood Ranch, and large areas of farmland that have been overwhelmed by growth. In the Aug. 18 primary, Johnson is facing nine other candidates: Republicans Elizabeth Arnold, Andrew Cottrell, Anthony Drake, John Dunn, Michael Harrison, Marc Stanoch and Leland Taylor; one Democrat, Sari Lindrooso-Valimaki; and one write-in candidate, Jack D. May Jr.

It’s a big slate. But in politics, name recognition is everything, and Johnson, with his outsized Jan. 6 reputation, has a significant advantage.

Manatee County Commissioner George Kruse says all of the candidates are concerned about growth and none say anything much to distinguish themselves from each other, so perhaps “anyone can win.”

Late this spring, I asked Johnson if he wanted to meet at Gracie Bradenton, his local Brazilian jiu jitsu gym off State Road 64. As a sports enthusiast, I’ve always found that sports can tell you a lot about someone’s character. When I pulled up, I noticed a Maserati MC20 Notte parked out front ( a loaner from one of his friends, I later found out). Johnson met me inside. His signature long ginger hair was tied in a ponytail, and he was smiling his famous smile.

When we got on the mat, Johnson wanted to teach more than actually wrestle, which I appreciated because even though he was 9 inches shorter than me, I had no idea what I was doing. He could have pinned me in two seconds. We started to circle each other.

I jumped right in with my first question: “So, what radicalized you?”

He laughed. Johnson begins and ends nearly all of his responses with a laugh. “I don't think radicalized is the right term,” he says. “I think maybe you pay attention a little more, you know? You get a little older, you get kids, you got things you want to protect.” He laughed again.

Johnson went on to tell me that the Covid-19 pandemic and the “strange” 2020 election were big parts of his political awakening. He believes that the 2020 election was stolen from Donald Trump. Before that, Johnson insists he wasn’t a political guy. Aside from the 2020 and 2024 presidential elections, he had only voted once.

“I had never been to a Trump rally before in my life,” he says. “A buddy called me up and asked if I wanted to go to this rally in D.C. I said, ‘Sure, sounds like fun.’ I went because I knew it was going to be historical, something to see. Something people were going to read about in history books 100 years from now.”

Johnson spent 35 minutes inside the Capitol building. He jiggled Pelosi’s locked office door and then found her lectern under a stairway. It had been stored there so it didn’t have to be lugged up and down the stairs, Johnson later learned. Johnson grabbed it and placed it in the center of the rotunda. “I thought, ‘Man, this would make a great prop for a photo,’” he says. “I gave a speech. I said there should be new rules of the House. No more treason, no more traitors, and we are going to vote on one budget item at a time.” He says he didn’t find out until he listened to the news after the riot that it was Pelosi’s lectern. True or not, Johnson, who has a flair for trolling, quickly realized how to play the photo to his advantage when it went viral with stories that he’d stolen it.

Today, he says that the lectern did not belong to Pelosi, but rather, to the American people because we paid for it—“it just smells like her,” he says, in the way he often punctuates responses with something silly. He thinks that saying he stole it is a stretch. “Would it be considered stealing,” he asks hypothetically, “if someone took a can of beans from a grocery store and moved it to a different aisle?” I said a fairer comparison would be if he had gone to the Smithsonian Museum of Natural History and moved T. rex’s head.

“That would be way too heavy,” Johnson says in his jokey fashion.

However you might feel about Johnson’s behavior on Jan. 6, chances are you are a lot less upset about it now than you were then. We all move on to the latest outrage. A public opinion survey four years after the riot showed that Americans don’t care as much about the events of Jan. 6 as they used to. (Jan. 6 outrage surfaced again this spring when Trump proposed a $1.776 billion Anti-Weaponization Fund that would compensate victims who claimed they were targeted by the federal government because of their politics. Convicted J6ers started lining up for cash. At press time, it looked like the fund was dead; my guess is the media attention to the J6ers will die off again.) But Johnson’s name will be front and center on the primary ballot. Will his Jan. 6 escapade matter to Manatee voters?

Sitting in the living room of his Parrish home, Johnson discusses his campaign.

Manatee County is a Republican stronghold, and Republicans hold every seat on the county commission. That doesn’t mean the electeds get along all the time. The board has frequently split between its far right and more moderate camps, creating intraparty squabbles.

In 2024, controversial Republican political consultant Anthony Pedicini, called an “attack dog” by one media organization and a “hatchet man” by another, ran the campaigns of four pro-development candidates for the Manatee County Commission and lost every race—even though the campaigns were funded with about a million dollars from local developers Carlos Beruff, Pat Neal and Randy Benderson. It was a stunning rejection by Manatee County voters. Then, in 2025, the Florida Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) reported in an audit that the county had overspent its general budget by $112 million, and it was called the “worst” offender in the state by Florida’s Chief Financial Officer Blaise Ingoglia. Political watchers say the audit was retribution by Gov. Ron DeSantis after his Manatee candidates lost the 2024 election.

Former four-term Manatee County Commissioner Carol Whitmore, a moderate Republican, was defeated in a bitter 2022 campaign. She says Manatee wasn’t always a partisan spectacle. “People used to come to our meetings to talk about local issues,” Whitmore says. “Nowadays, it’s totally partisan. People just use clickbait and words to get elected, and when they get in office, nothing they promised ever happens.”

It was difficult to get anyone other than Whitmore to go on the record regarding the District 1 race, but off the record, people were worried that Johnson’s presence could turn the commission into an even larger partisan media circus.

Christian Ziegler, former Sarasota County commissioner and vice-chair of the state Republican party, went on the record six days after Jan. 6 (and before he was publicly accused of rape and forced to step down) about Johnson, saying, “He’s not part of our organization. I think it’s disgusting. That lectern belongs to all of us. It’s our property. We’re the ones who paid for it. It’s making a mockery of our government and our institutions.”

Today, Johnson waves off the remark and smiles. “I don't really fault anyone for being like, ‘Yeah, I'm not associated with him,’ because they were literally marching out and fulfilling Communist orders at this point,” he says, then adds, with some grave Orwellian overtones, “Where any type of wrongthink, any type of wrongspeak, we will just imprison you for the rest of your life.”

To Johnson’s credit, he is doing better than many of his Florida J6 compatriots. At least he hasn’t been in trouble again. Since Trump pardoned all 1,600 convicted participants, about 97 of them, according to the nonprofit publication Lawfare, have been accused of new crimes, or worse still, are dead—three of them by suicide and one by an accidental amphetamine overdose.

By comparison, Johnson comes across as a friendly, disarmingly goofy guy who loves his family. He homeschools all of his five sons and does all the cooking. He’s cordial, courteous and self-deprecating, and I can believe him when he says he has lots of friends. “When the FBI came to my neighborhood, everyone described me as a nice guy,” he says. “They even tried to get my ex-wife to say bad things about me.” He swears she had nothing but good things to say.

But Johnson’s in-person conviviality doesn’t match his Bart Simpson-like, rage-baiting online persona. He is a believer in the MAGA movement, and his X account is post after post of MAGA-style politics that troll liberals, warn of the coming hordes of immigrants and extol the virtues of gendered bathrooms. For example, last year, during the search for a new James Bond to replace Daniel Craig, names of non-white men and even women actors were being considered. Johnson wrote, “We are getting a Black vegan trans single obese Muslim mom who doesn’t use guns as our next Bond.” None of this is true, of course, but it keeps the cycle of outrage going.

Johnson says he’s running a grassroots campaign and, at press time, had raised $14,078 from individual donors. He promises never to take any Political Action Committee (PAC) money—PACs can take money from wealthy donors through complicated funding networks that make it difficult to track who’s giving—and yet, there are seasoned political operators in Johnson’s orbit who are very familiar with PACs. He’s friends with Bradenton’s Jennings DePriest, a former lobbyist and self-described “professional propagandist,” who once referred to his firm’s team as “digital assassins.” DePriest provides “legal advice,” Johnson says. DePriest also works alongside the controversial Pedicini and introduced Johnson to accountants Debbie and Michael Millner, based out of Jensen Beach, Florida, who are now listed as the treasurers for his campaign. Michael Millner also serves as the treasurer for the Pedicini-controlled, dark money political committee Citizen’s Alliance for Florida’s Economy—Florida’s version of a PAC.

Johnson met me at his home a few days after we wrestled. He lives deep in Parrish, one of the faster-developing areas in Manatee County, and one that’s losing its rural history. He asked me not to name the subdivision because he gets frequent threats online. To anyone considering anything criminal, let me warn you: He has lots of guns. I saw them.

Johnson greeted me through his open garage door. He’s been living in this house for 11 years and in Parrish for 15. He immediately offered me something to drink. His home is large, but it makes sense considering he has five young boys ranging in age from 11 to 19. His home is also impeccably clean and shiny. I felt like I was walking through a realtor’s open house.

Johnson in front of his customized version of Napoleon Crossing the Alps.

Above a record player in the living room is a painting of Johnson carrying the famous lectern transposed onto Jacques-Louis David’s famous Napoleon Crossing the Alps. “It’s a good icebreaker,” Johnson says. Apparently, a fan made a “meme” of Johnson, so Johnson had it blown up and framed the day he left for jail so that when his wife, Dr. Suzanne Johnson, a family medicine physician, came home in the evening, she would have something to smile at. Her practice was bombarded with hate and death threats in the wake of Johnson being identified at the Capitol. Johnson chokes up when he talks about his wife’s loyalty to him throughout all the drama.

We walked into his office. “I built this,” Johnson says, pointing to his cabinets. Throughout the room were toys and self-referential tchotchkes: a LEGO rendering of the Capitol building, a Trump bobblehead, an action figure of Johnson himself, and a POW/MIA patch that was edited to include a J6 symbol. There were also books about video games like “Final Fantasy,” and the late U.S. Navy SEAL sniper Chris Kyle’s memoir.

I asked why people should vote for him, other than his unique office decor and online celebrity.

“As far as I'm concerned, what separates me is very simple,” he answers. “I know how to get things done. I worked very difficult rooms. I work with people who don't like me, and I have gotten things done.”

“What have you gotten done?” I asked.

“Nationally, I've worked with the APP [the American Principles Project, a conservative advocacy group focused on family as the ‘bedrock of our nation’] on messaging to have Trump sign an executive order saying there are only two genders,” he says. “I've worked with large 2A [shorthand for Second Amendment advocacy groups] that have effectively sued the government, reinstating gun rights for individuals in California, Colorado, Texas, all over. So I’ve done some really good promoting and messaging, right? Politics is 90 percent messaging.”

I told him it sounded like his accomplishments relate more to being an online influencer. In other words, he believes work is posting stuff online.

“Yes, but that's what runs the world right now,” he says.

I asked him which policies he’d like to see enacted if he were elected to the commission.

He immediately mentioned overdevelopment and traffic. His answers (see sidebar for his takes on local issues, page 66) were surprisingly quick and free of his usual jokes, but sometimes felt like memorized chatbot answers. He does love Grok.

Johnson believes he can use his massive online following to benefit the people of Manatee County. “What you can do is create a narrative,” he says, adding that when he wants to get something done for his constituents, he will call on his 125,000 followers to get involved and hound local politicians and media to accomplish his goals.

I asked him how many of his 125,000 followers are local. He estimates between 10,000  and 15,000 people.

He doesn’t believe that local media is up to the job of educating Manatee voters. “Why is local media dying out?” Johnson asks. “Everyone wants to argue national politics!”

I point out that national politics is exactly what he posts about on his X account.

He agrees that he needs to spend more time focusing on local issues. Johnson says he is posting less on X, but plans to keep his page alive. “In case [my campaign] doesn’t work out, I want to make sure my page doesn’t die.” He says it’s hard to imagine giving it up entirely. “They [X.com] are paying me a decent amount of money just for dragging politicians," he says. (Not surprising. X rewards outrage.) He says he gets a $1,000 biweekly check from X.

Then he pivots. “I’m willing to give all of it up to serve locally,” he says. “I do want more meaning than just a picture. This is definitely something that will make me feel vindicated, restored, [like I’ve taken the] next step forward.”

Johnson in his workshop with the miniature Pelosi lecterns he makes and gives away.

But he said this while wearing a pin with the lectern silhouette on his jacket lapel while we were sitting under another Photoshopped painting of him with the lectern: This time, Johnson was replacing George Washington in Emanuel Leutze’s Washington Crossing the Delaware.

In the weeks since we spoke, Johnson was still posting and doing his best to “own the libs.” He posted a picture of himself on X wearing a Burger King crown on an airplane. If you don’t know what that is in reference to, congratulations, you are outside touching the required amount of grass. The post references a viral video from 2021 of the “JetBlue Racist Burger King Guy,” a JetBlue passenger who screamed the n-word at a Black airline attendant because she asked him to put his mask on. I asked Johnson what he meant by wearing the crown.

“That’s a meme,” Johnson says.

“What’s the meme?” I asked.

“I actually haven’t seen the video,” Johnson says. “I know it in a very esoteric sense. Some guy got angry on a video, and I think he dropped the n-bomb. So the whole thing is if you wear Burger King hats, it’s supposed to trigger people.”

I asked him if he thinks it’s a good idea to reference an internet joke about calling Black people the n-word while running for office. I tell him that my understanding of the “joke” is that wearing the Burger King hat on an airplane is saying the n-word without saying the n-word.

“Eh, it’s neither here nor there for me,” he says. “I never said all my ideas were good. I don’t personally use the word. I think it’s very offensive. I don’t think that anyone should be able to say it, actually.”

I tell him he is playing coy.

At the end of our interviews, I still couldn’t pinpoint what Johnson wants to achieve if he’s elected or if his civic interests go beyond posting on X. He’s already set his sights on higher office. On his campaign website, he states, “I mean to serve my community and eventually my country. Help me win this local race so we can build a platform and eventually take the national stage.”

Whether you take Johnson seriously or not, he’s hit a nerve. He is an avatar of our grievances in an America where we feel like our institutions have failed us. The “lectern guy” personifies defying authority. That has power today. Some voters may not think he’ll accomplish much, but they might get some satisfaction in pulling the lever for him, no matter how meaningless.

We said our goodbyes, and he made sure I had a beverage for the drive through heavy traffic back to Sarasota. Of course, he was smiling.

Share
Show Comments